Theoretical perspectives and research in sociology, anthropology, sociolinguistics, and cultural psychology converge in recognizing the significance of children's time spent in various activities, especially in the family context. Knowing how children's time is deployed, however, only gives us a partial answer to how children acquire competence; the other part must take into account the culturally constructed meanings of activities, from the perspective of those who organize and direct children's daily lives. In this article, we report on a study of children's routine daily activities and on the meanings that parents attribute to them in six Western middle-class cultural communities located in Italy, The Netherlands, Poland, Spain, Sweden, and the United States (N = 183). Using week-long time diaries kept by parents, we first demonstrate similarities as well as significant differences in children's daily routines across the cultural samples. We then present brief vignettes-"a day in the life"-of children from each sample. Parent interviews were coded for themes in the meanings attributed to various activities. Excerpts from parent interviews, focusing on four major activities (meals, family time, play, school- or developmentally related activities), are presented to illustrate how cultural meanings and themes are woven into parents' organization and understanding of their children's daily lives. The results of this mixed-method approach provide a more reliable and nuanced picture of children's and families' daily lives than could be derived from either method alone.(PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2011 APA, all rights reserved).

This study in rural lowland Bangladesh used spot and event observations from 185 children aged 4-27 months in order to examine whether child feeding practices differed with mother's education and with household education. Each child and his/her caretakers were observed for a mean of 20 hr over 6 months from February to July 1986. Only 25% of mothers and 51% of fathers had had any formal education. Exploratory partial correlations and stepwise multiple regression analyses revealed significant behavioral differences with both maternal and household measures of education while controlling for wealth. Caretakers in families with education were found to feed the children more frequently, with fresher food, and in cleaner, more protected places. They did not allow their children to eat food intended for someone else as often, and were more observant when their children's food dropped during the feeding. These caretakers also used more cups and bottles for feedings, breastfed their children less frequently, and their mothers terminated the breastfeedings more often. These behaviors suggested a shift from less attentive feeding practices and less frequent feedings to more frequent feedings in which the caretaker took more control of the child's feeding sessions. They also suggest a commitment to more labor-intensive child care. These associations between education and child feeding practices are mechanisms through which maternal education may improve child health and growth. They suggest the need for promoting more formal and nonformal education.

A community-based intervention was developed through direct participation of the target population in assessment and iterative trials to improve hygiene practices and to reduce childhood diarrhoea in lowland rural Bangladesh. A total of 185 (98%) households with children ages 0-18 months in five contiguous villages were targeted for the interventions. A comparison site was selected for a detailed observational study and for use as a control for the intervention. About 97% of all households with children ages 0-18 months were enrolled for study at the control site. Children in this age group were targeted because at this developmental stage they were most vulnerable to diarrhoeal morbidity and malnutrition (related to unhygienic practices). The intervention was implemented with the assistance of village leaders through a "Clean Life" campaign by local project workers and volunteer mothers who were chosen from the target households. The intervention activities started in January 1986 and lasted for 7 months. Higher adoption rates of the intervention were associated with better cleanliness status, which was related to lower diarrhoea and malnutrition rates in the intervention site. The results of between-site longitudinal analyses showed that after the intervention, the intervention site had substantially higher cleanliness scores, lower diarrhoeal morbidity, and better growth status compared to those of the control site, with differences increasing over time. The findings suggest that this type of community-based intervention can be very beneficial in modifying hygiene behaviours and lowering childhood diarrhoea and malnutrition.

Recent research in the U.S. has demonstrated the health risks accompanying the increase in use of day care centers for infants and young children, a trend that reflects large-scale social and economic changes. The present study reports increased risk of respiratory disease in rural Kenyan children, resulting from increased exposure to unrelated young children. The shift in risk patterns accompanies sociocultural and economic trends during the 1970s: maternal participation in work groups for cash cropping and increased school attendance by other family members. Thus as in the American case, participation in modern patterns of household economics significantly influences the pattern of illness for infants and young children.

Recent efforts to promote child survival and development internationally have focused new attention on the importance of the household as a mediator of both environmental risks and programmatic interventions to promote better health. In this paper, we introduce a theoretical framework, the 'developmental niche,' derived from studies of children's behavior and development in different cultural contexts, as a tool for analyzing the household production of health. The developmental niche is conceptualized in terms of three basic components:(1) the physical and social settings of the child's everyday life;(2) culturally regulated customs of child care and child rearing; and (3) the psychology of the caretakers. The relevance of each of these components to the household production of health is illustrated through examples from research in several cultures, including Malaysia, Kenya, Bangladesh, India, and the U.S. Further discussion centers on three corollaries of the developmental niche framework that point to the interactive relationships among the three components, between the niche and the larger environment, and between the niche and the child (or any individual seen from a developmental perspective). It is suggested that this approach is useful for identifying and collecting relevant information on household-level factors that affect health outcomes, and thus for organizing more effective interventions. At a theoretical level, the developmental niche framework also facilitates understanding processes of mutual adaptation between the individual and the environment as they are filtered through the constraints of household settings, customs and caretaker psychologies.

One hundred and eighty-five rural Bangladeshi children (80 boys and 105 girls) aged 4-27 months were observed to investigate developmental, behavioural, and environmental risk factors for diarrhoea during a 6-month period. Incidence of diarrhoea was found to be the highest among children aged 10-12 months. Children of this age group had the greatest exposure to environmental contaminants in the neighbourhood. Incidence of diarrhoea was the highest in hot, dry months. Risk factors for diarrhoea included: faecal contamination and garbage disposal in infant's outdoor play compound, crawling, contact of hand and mouth with contaminated materials, greater distance of household from water source, inadequate cleaning after defecation; dirt of child's face, presence of flies, feeding rotten food; insufficient washing of infant's and caretaker's hands before feeding rice meals or soft, wet foods; and lack of mothers' willingness to visit a modern (allopathic) health practitioner.

Recent American research has explored developmental trends in gender segregation of children's peer groups. It is important to differentiate, however, systematic trends in children from systematic changes in their environments. Observational data are presented from 152 rural Kenyan children ages 18 months to 9 years. There is no gender segregation in peer groups until around age 6, at which time changes in settings, parental expectations, and customary duties result in an increase in the proportion of same-sex peers. Even within this pattern, however, there is some evidence that children do not interact more with same-sex peers, given their greater presence. A contrast is drawn with the adult pattern of gender segregation and emphasis is given to the importance of culture and development as interactive systems.